The silence that had greeted genocides in the past must be replaced by a global clamour, and a willingness to call what was happening by its true name, Secretary-General Kofi Annan said this morning at the opening of a one-day conference in memory of the genocide in Rwanda 10 years ago.
The Memorial Conference on the Rwanda Genocide, which had started with a minute of silence for the victims, was co-chaired by the Foreign Ministers of Rwanda and Canada and moderated by Ruth Iyob, Director of the Africa Programme, International Peace Academy, and David M. Malone, President of the International Peace Academy.
During two panels that followed the opening of the Conference, participants in the event remembered the 1994 tragedy and considered means to ensure a more effective international response to genocide in the future. The Conference attracted representatives of governments, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, academics and members of the Rwandan Diaspora.
The international community had failed Rwanda, the Secretary-General stated. If it had acted promptly, it could have stopped most of the killing. But neither the political will nor the troops had been there. If the United Nations, government officials and the international media had paid more attention to the gathering signs of disaster, it might have been averted.
The Rwandan genocide raised questions that affected all humankind, including fundamental questions about the authority of the Security Council and the effectiveness of United Nations peacekeeping, Mr. Annan continued. If confronted by a new Rwanda today, would the international community respond effectively? He had suggested a number of measures that would better equip the United Nations and its Member States to meet genocide with resolve, including a special rapporteur on the subject. More must be done, and he was currently analyzing what further steps could be taken.
The Foreign Minister of Rwanda, Charles Murigande, stressed the need to learn from the tragic failures in Rwanda, saying that no other nation or people should be allowed to suffer what the people of Rwanda had suffered. . . .
The international community, while it had learned what needed to be done, still lacked political agreement to prevent a Rwanda from happening again, said the Foreign Minister of Canada, Bill Graham. . . .
Harsh words were said about the role of the international community in Rwanda during the first panel - entitled "In Memoriam: Bearing Witness", which was chaired by the Foreign Minister of Rwanda.
While the head of the Association of the Widows of the Genocide, Speciose Kanyabogoyi, and genocide survivor, Eric Nzabihimana, recounted the events of April-August 1994, when some 800,000 people were murdered, former Commander of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire, said that the Mission had been "a last priority" for the international community. It had no budget and no structure at the time the killing began. The Security Council had made it a point not to consider the threats and warnings about Rwanda, and as the months went by and the peace agreement was "falling to pieces", there was political stagnation and no real desire to put any resources into the Mission.
He also recalled that some 2,000 personnel from several countries, including France, United Kingdom, United States and Italy, "remained firm in totally ignoring the catastrophe" as they fulfilled their mission of evacuating their expatriates, "though they were stumbling on corpses". On 22 April, when over 100,000 people had been killed, the bulk of the Force was ordered to withdraw, but 450 African and 13 Canadian troops were told to stay on the ground and observe. As millions were internally displaced, killed and injured, the Mission was able to save some 30,000, and on top of that, he had been ordered to abandon them. The order had come from the Security Council, and nobody objected.
"Never Again: Toward a More Effective International Response of Genocide" was the title of the second panel, which was chaired by Canada's Foreign Minister. Its keynote speakers included Ibrahim Gambari, United Nations Special Adviser for Africa, Ramesh Thakur, Vice-Rector of United Nations University and Danilo Turk, Assistant Secretary-General for Political Affairs. . . .
Mr. Gambari said that the real key to preventing conflict and genocide was political will to act promptly and decisively. Without a doubt, it was the Council, especially its most powerful members that had failed the people of Rwanda in their gravest hour of need.
The controversy over the international community's culpability for its failure to prevent the genocide in Rwanda would not easily go away.

Conférence commémorative sur le génocide au Rwanda 2004.
Automatically translated into French thanks to WorldLingo
Le silence qui avait salué des génocides dans le passé doit être remplacé par une clameur globale, et une volonté d'appeler ce qui se produisait par son nom vrai, sécrétaire général Kofi Annan dit ce matin à l'ouverture d'une conférence d'une journée dans la mémoire du génocide au Rwanda il y a 10 ans.
La conférence commémorative sur le génocide du Rwanda, qui avait commencé par une minute de silence pour les victimes, Co-a été présidée par les ministres des affaires étrangères du Rwanda et du Canada et modérée par Ruth Iyob, directeur du programme de l'Afrique, académie internationale de paix, et David M. Malone, président de l'académie internationale de paix.
Pendant deux panneaux qui ont suivi l'ouverture de la conférence, les participants se sont en cas rappelés la tragédie 1994 et ont considéré des moyens d'assurer une réponse internationale plus efficace au génocide à l'avenir. La conférence a attiré des représentants des gouvernements, des organismes internationaux, des organisations nonnes gouvernemental, des universitaires et des membres de la Diaspora rwandaise.
La communauté internationale avait échoué le Rwanda, sécrétaire général indiqué. S'il avait agi promptement, il pourrait avoir arrêté la majeure partie du massacre. Mais ni la volonté politique ni les troupes n'avait été là. Si les Nations Unies, les fonctionnaires de gouvernement et les médias internationaux avaient prêté plus d'attention aux signes sourcilleux du désastre, elle pourrait avoir été évitée.
Le génocide rwandais a soulevé les questions qui ont affecté toute l'humanité, y compris des questions fondamentales au sujet de l'autorité du Conseil de sécurité et de l'efficacité du maintien de la paix des Nations Unies, M. Annan a continué. Si confronté par le nouveau Rwanda aujourd'hui, la communauté internationale répondrait-elle efficacement ? Il avait suggéré qu'un certain nombre de mesures qui amélioreraient équipez les Nations Unies et ses Etats Membres pour rencontrer le génocide avec la résolution, y compris un rapporteur spécial sur le sujet. Davantage doit être fait, et il analysait actuellement ce qui fait un pas plus loin pourrait être pris.
Le ministre des affaires étrangères du Rwanda, Charles Murigande, a souligné la nécessité d'apprendre des échecs tragiques au Rwanda, dire qu'on ne devrait permettre à aucune autre nation ou personne de souffrir ce que le peuple du Rwanda avait souffert. . . .
La communauté internationale, alors qu'il avait appris quel nécessaire à faire, accord politique toujours manqué d'empêcher le Rwanda de se produire encore, a dit le ministre des affaires étrangères du Canada, facture Graham. . . .
Des mots durs ont été dits au sujet du rôle de la communauté internationale au Rwanda pendant le premier panneau - intitulé « dans Memoriam : Témoin de roulement ", qui a été présidé par le ministre des affaires étrangères du Rwanda.
Tandis que le chef de l'association des veuves du génocide, du Speciose Kanyabogoyi, et du survivant de génocide, Eric Nzabihimana, racontait les événements d'avril l'août 1994, quand environ 800.000 personnes ont été assassinées, ancien commandant de la mission d'aide des Nations Unies pour le Rwanda (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire, dit que la mission avait été « une dernière priorité » pour la communauté internationale. Il n'a eu aucun budget et aucune structure lorsque le massacre a commencé. Le Conseil de sécurité lui avait fait une remarque pour ne pas considérer les menaces et les avertissements au sujet du Rwanda, et pendant que les mois allait près et l'accord de paix « tombait aux morceaux », il y avait stagnation politique et aucun vrai désir de mettre toutes les ressources dans la mission.
Il s'est également rappelé qu'environ 2.000 personnels de plusieurs pays, y compris la France, le Royaume-Uni, les Etats-Unis et l'Italie, « resté ferme en ignorant la catastrophe » pendant qu'ils accomplissaient leur mission de l'évacuation leur expatrie, « bien qu'ils aient trébuché sur des cadavres ». Le 22 avril, quand plus de 100.000 personnes avait été tué, la partie de la force a été commandée pour se retirer, mais 450 troupes africaines et 13 canadiennes ont été dites pour rester sur la terre et pour observer. Car des millions ont été intérieurement déplacés, tués et blessés, la mission pouvait sauver quelques 30.000, et sur celui, il avait été commandé les abandonner. L'ordre était venu du Conseil de sécurité, et personne n'a objecté.
« Jamais encore : Vers une réponse internationale plus efficace de génocide " était le titre du deuxième panneau, qui a été présidé par le ministre des affaires étrangères du Canada. Ses haut-parleurs principaux ont inclus Ibrahim Gambari, conseiller spécial des Nations Unies pour l'Afrique, Ramesh Thakur, Vice-Recteur d'université des Nations Unies et Turc de Danilo, sécrétaire général auxiliaire pour des affaires politiques. . . .
M. Gambari a indiqué que la vraie clef à empêcher le conflit et le génocide était volonté politique d'agir promptement et décisivement. Sans aucun doute, c'était le Conseil, particulièrement ses membres plus puissants qui avaient échoué le peuple du Rwanda en leur heure plus grave du besoin.
La polémique au-dessus de la culpabilité de la communauté internationale pour que son manque empêche le génocide au Rwanda ne partirait pas facilement.

Conferencia conmemorativa sobre genocidio en Rwanda 2004.
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
El silencio que había saludado genocidios en el pasado se debe substituir por un clamor global, y una buena voluntad de llamar qué sucedía por su nombre verdadero, secretario general Kofi Annan dicho esta mañana en la abertura de una conferencia one-day en la memoria del genocidio en Rwanda hace 10 años.
La conferencia conmemorativa sobre el genocidio de Rwanda, que había comenzado con un minuto de silencio para las víctimas, co-fue presidida por los Ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de Rwanda y de Canadá y moderada por Ruth Iyob, director del programa de África, academia internacional de la paz, y David M. Malone, presidente de la academia internacional de la paz.
Durante dos paneles que siguieron la abertura de la conferencia, participantes en el acontecimiento recordado la tragedia 1994 y medios considerados de asegurar una respuesta internacional más eficaz al genocidio en el futuro. La conferencia atrajo representantes de gobiernos, de organizaciones internacionales, de organizaciones no gubernamentales, del académico y de miembros del Diaspora Rwandan.
La comunidad internacional había fallado Rwanda, el secretario general indicado. Si había actuado puntualmente, habría podido parar la mayor parte de la matanza. Pero ni la voluntad política ni las tropas había estado allí. Si los Naciones Unidas, los oficiales del gobierno y los medios internacionales habían prestado más atención a las muestras de acopio del desastre, puede ser que haya sido evitada.
El genocidio Rwandan planteó las preguntas que afectaron todo el humankind, incluyendo preguntas fundamentales sobre la autoridad del consejo de seguridad y la eficacia del mantenimiento de la paz de Naciones Unidas, Sr. Annan continuó. ¿Si fue enfrentada por un Rwanda nuevo hoy, la comunidad internacional respondería con eficacia? Él había sugerido que un número de medidas que mejorarían equipe a los Naciones Unidas y a sus Estados miembro para resolver genocidio con la resolución, incluyendo un ponente especial en el tema. Debe ser hecho más, y él analizaba actualmente qué camina más lejos podría ser tomada.
El Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Rwanda, Charles Murigande, tensionó la necesidad de aprender de las faltas trágicas en Rwanda, decir que ninguna otra nación o gente no se debe permitir sufrir lo que había sufrido la gente de Rwanda. . . .
La comunidad internacional, mientras que había aprendido qué necesario que se hará, acuerdo político todavía carecido de evitar que un Rwanda suceda otra vez, dijo a Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Canadá, cuenta Graham. . . .
Las palabras ásperas fueron dichas sobre el papel de la comunidad internacional en Rwanda durante el primer panel - titulado “en Memoriam: Testigo del cojinete ", que fue presidido por el Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Rwanda.
Mientras que el jefe de la asociación de las viudas del genocidio, del Speciose Kanyabogoyi, y del sobreviviente del genocidio, Eric Nzabihimana, contó de nuevo los acontecimientos de abril el agosto de 1994, cuando asesinaron a unas 800.000 personas, comandante anterior de la misión de la ayuda de Naciones Unidas para Rwanda (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire, dicho que la misión había sido “una prioridad pasada” para la comunidad internacional. No tenía ningún presupuesto y ninguna estructura cuando la matanza comenzó. El consejo de seguridad le había hecho un punto para no considerar las amenazas y las advertencias sobre Rwanda, y como los meses fue cerca y el acuerdo de la paz “bajaba a los pedazos”, había estancamiento político y ningún deseo verdadero de poner cualquier recurso en la misión.
Él también recordó que uno 2.000 personal de varios países, incluyendo Francia, Reino Unido, Estados Unidos e Italia, “seguido siendo firme en totalmente no hacer caso de la catástrofe” mientras que satisficieron su misión de evacuar su se expatrian, “aunque él tropezaba en los cadáveres”. El 22 de abril, cuando sobre 100.000 personas había sido matado, el bulto de la fuerza fue pedido para retirarse, pero dijeron 450 tropas africanas y 13 canadienses para permanecer en la tierra y para observar. Pues millones internamente fueron desplazados, matados y dañados, la misión podía ahorrar algunos 30.000, y encima de ése, le habían ordenado abandonarlos. La orden había venido del consejo de seguridad, y nadie se opuso.
“Nunca otra vez: Hacia una respuesta internacional más eficaz del genocidio " estaba el título del segundo panel, que fue presidido por el Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Canadá. Sus altavoces principales incluyeron a Ibrahim Gambari, consejero especial de Naciones Unidas para África, Ramesh Thakur, el Vice-Rector de la universidad de Naciones Unidas y el turco de Danilo, secretario general auxiliar para los asuntos políticos. . . .
Sr. Gambari dijo que la llave verdadera a prevenir conflicto y genocidio era voluntad política de actuar puntualmente y decisivo. Sin una duda, era el consejo, especialmente sus miembros más de gran alcance que habían fallado a gente de Rwanda en su hora más grave de la necesidad.
La controversia sobre la culpabilidad de la comunidad internacional para que su falta prevenga el genocidio en Rwanda no saldría fácilmente.

Congresso commemorativo su Genocide in Ruanda 2004.
Automatically translated into Italian thanks to WorldLingo
Il silenzio che greeted i genocides nel passato deve essere sostituito da un clamore globale e da una compiacenza denominare che cosa stava accadendo dal relativo nome allineare, segretario generale Kofi Annan detto questa mattina all'apertura di un congresso di un giorno nella memoria del genocide in Ruanda 10 anni fa.
Il congresso commemorativo sulla Ruanda Genocide, che aveva cominciato con un minuto di silenzio per le vittime, co-è stato presieduto dai ministri stranieri della Ruanda e del Canada ed è stato moderato da Ruth Iyob, direttore del programma dell'Africa, dell'accademia internazionale di pace e del David M. Malone, presidente dell'accademia internazionale di pace.
Durante i due pannelli che hanno seguito l'apertura del congresso, i partecipanti nel caso si sono ricordati della tragedia 1994 ed hanno considerato i mezzi per accertare una risposta internazionale più efficace al genocide in avvenire. Il congresso ha attratto i rappresentanti dei governi, delle organizzazioni internazionali, delle organizzazioni non governative, del academics e dei membri del Diaspora Rwandan.
La Comunità internazionale aveva venuto a mancare la Ruanda, il segretario generale dichiarato. Se si fosse comportato subito, potrebbe arrestare la maggior parte dell'uccisione. Ma nè il politico politica nè le truppe era stata là. Se le Nazioni Unite, i funzionari di governo ed i mezzi internazionali avessero prestato più attenzione ai segni di riunione del disastro, potrebbe essere evitata.
Il genocide Rwandan ha sollevato le questioni che hanno interessato tutto il humankind, compreso le domande fondamentali circa l'autorità del Consiglio di sicurezza e l'efficacia del mantenimento della pace delle Nazioni Unite, il sig. Annan è continuato. Se confrontato oggi dalla nuova Ruanda, la Comunità internazionale risponderebbe efficacemente? Aveva suggerito che un certo numero di misure che migliorerebbero doti le Nazioni Unite ed i relativi Stati membri per venire a contatto del genocide con risoluzione, compreso un relatore speciale sull'oggetto. Di più deve essere fatto ed attualmente stava analizzando che cosa più ulteriormente fa un passo potrebbe essere preso.
Il ministro straniero della Ruanda, Charles Murigande, ha sottolineato la necessità di imparare dai guasti tragici in Ruanda, ad esempio che nessuna altra nazione o gente non dovrebbe essere permessa soffrire che cosa la gente della Ruanda aveva sofferto. . . .
La Comunità internazionale, mentre aveva imparato che necessario da fare, accordo politico ancora difettato di impedire la Ruanda accadere ancora, ad esempio il ministro straniero del Canada, la fattura Graham. . . .
Le parole dure si sono dette circa il ruolo della Comunità internazionale in Ruanda durante il primo pannello - intitolato “in Memoriam: Testimone del cuscinetto ", che è stato presieduto dal ministro straniero della Ruanda.
Mentre la testa dell'associazione delle vedove del Genocide, dello Speciose Kanyabogoyi e del superstite di genocide, Eric Nzabihimana, ha raccontato gli eventi aprile l'diagosto 1994, quando circa 800.000 genti sono state assassinate, ex comandante della missione di assistenza delle Nazioni Unite per la Ruanda (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire, ad esempio che la missione era stata “un'ultima priorità„ per la Comunità internazionale. Non ha avuto preventivo e struttura quando l'uccisione ha cominciato. Il Consiglio di sicurezza gli aveva reso un punto per non considerare le minacce e gli avvertimenti circa la Ruanda e mentre i mesi è andato vicino e l'accordo di pace “stava cadendo alle parti„, ci era ristagno politico e nessun desiderio reale mettere tutte le risorse nella missione.
Inoltre ha ricordato che circa 2.000 personali da parecchi paesi, compreso la Francia, il Regno Unito, gli Stati Uniti e l'Italia, “rimasto costante completamente nell'ignorare la catastrofe„ mentre hanno compiuto la loro missione di evacuamento loro espatriano, “benchè stessero inciampando sui corpses„. Il 22 aprile, quando oltre 100.000 genti era stato ucciso, la massa della forza è stata ordinata per ritirarsi, ma 450 truppe africane e 13 canadesi si sono dette a per rimanere sulla terra e per osservare. Poichè milioni internamente sono stati spostati, ucciso stati e danneggiati, la missione poteva conservare circa 30.000 ed in cima a quello, era stato ordinato abbandonarlo. L'ordine era venuto dal Consiglio di sicurezza e nessuno ha obiettato.
“Mai ancora: Verso una risposta internazionale più efficace di Genocide " era il titolo del secondo pannello, che è stato presieduto dal ministro straniero del Canada. I relativi altoparlanti principali hanno incluso Ibrahim Gambari, consigliere speciale delle Nazioni Unite per l'Africa, Ramesh Thakur, il Vice-Rettore dell'università delle Nazioni Unite ed il Turco di Danilo, segretario generale di aiuto per gli affari politici. . . .
Sig. Gambari ha detto che la chiave reale ad impedire il conflitto e il genocide era politico politica comportarsi subito e decisivamente. Senza dubbio, era il Consiglio, particolarmente i relativi membri più potenti che avevano venuto a mancare la gente della Ruanda nella loro ora più grave di bisogno.
La polemica sopra il culpability della Comunità internazionale affinchè la relativa omissione impedisca il genocide in Ruanda non andrebbe facilmente via.

Erinnerungskonferenz auf Genozid in Ruanda 2004.
Automatically translated into German thanks to WorldLingo
Die Ruhe, die Genozide in der Vergangenheit gegrüßt hatte, muß durch einen globalen Lärm und eine Bereitwilligkeit ersetzt werden, zu benennen was durch seinen zutreffenden Namen geschah, Generalsekretär Kofi vor besagter Annan heute morgen an der öffnung einer eintägigen Konferenz im Gedächtnis des Genozids in Ruanda 10 Jahren.
Die Erinnerungskonferenz auf dem Ruanda Genozid, der mit einer Minute Ruhe für die Opfer begonnen hatte, wurde von den Außenministern von Ruanda und von Kanada Co-vorgesessen und moderiert von Ruth Iyob, Direktor des Afrika Programms, internationale Friedensakademie und David M. Malone, Präsident der internationalen Friedensakademie.
Während zwei Verkleidungen, die der öffnung der Konferenz folgten, erinnerten sich Teilnehmer im Falle an die Tragödie 1994 und betrachteten Mittel, eine wirkungsvollere internationale Antwort zum Genozid zukünftig sicherzustellen. Die Konferenz zog Repräsentanten von Regierungen, von internationalen Organisationen, von nichtstaatlichen Organisationen, von Akademiker und von Mitgliedern der Rwandan Diaspora an.
Die internationale Gemeinschaft hatte Ruanda verlassen, den angegebenen Generalsekretär. Wenn es sofort fungiert hatte, könnte es die meisten der Tötung gestoppt haben. Aber weder waren der politische Wille noch die Truppen dort gewesen. Wenn die Nationen, die Regierungsbeamten und die internationalen Mittel mehr Aufmerksamkeit auf die erfassenzeichen des Unfalles gelenkt hatten, konnte sie abgewendet worden sein.
Der Rwandan Genozid warf Fragen, die alle Menschheit beeinflußten, einschließlich grundlegende Fragen über die Berechtigung des Sicherheit Rates und die Wirksamkeit der Nationen Friedenssicherung, Herr auf. Annan fuhr fort. Wenn sie heute durch ein neues Ruanda konfrontiert wird, würde die internationale Gemeinschaft effektiv reagieren? Er hatte vorgeschlagen, daß eine Anzahl von Massen, die verbessern würden, die Nationen und seine Mitgliedsstaaten ausrüsten Sie, um Genozid mit Beschluß, einschließlich einen speziellen Referenten auf dem Thema zu treffen. Muß mehr getan werden und er analysierte z.Z., was weiter könnte genommen werden tritt.
Der Außenminister von Ruanda, Charles Murigande, betonte die Notwendigkeit, von den tragischen Ausfällen in Ruanda zu erlernen, sagen, daß keine andere Nation oder Leuten erlaubt werden sollten, zu erleiden, was die Leute von Ruanda erlitten hatten. . . .
Die internationale Gemeinschaft, während es erlernt hatte, welches getan zu werden erforderliches, noch ermangelte politische Vereinbarung, zu verhindern, daß ein Ruanda wieder, sagte den Außenminister von Kanada, Rechnung Graham geschieht. . . .
Rauhe Wörter wurden über die Rolle der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Ruanda während der ersten erlaubten Verkleidung - „in Memoriam gesagt: Lager-Zeuge ", der vom Außenminister von Ruanda vorgesessen wurde.
Während der Kopf der Verbindung der Witwen des Genozids, des Speciose Kanyabogoyi und des Genozidüberlebenden, Eric Nzabihimana, die Fälle von April August 1994 nachzählte, als einige 800.000 Leute ermordet wurden, ehemaliger Kommandant der Nationen Unterstützung Mission für Ruanda (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire, gesagt, daß die Mission „eine letzte Priorität“ für die internationale Gemeinschaft gewesen war. Es hatte keinen Etat und keine Struktur, zu der Zeit als die Tötung anfing. Der Sicherheit Rat hatte es einen Punkt die Drohungen und die Warnungen über Ruanda nicht betrachten gelassen, und während die Monate vorbei ging und die Friedensvereinbarung „auf Stücke“ fiel, gab es politische Stockung und keinen realen Wunsch, alle mögliche Betriebsmittel in die Mission zu setzen.
Er rief auch, daß etwas 2.000 Personal aus einigen Ländern, einschließlich Frankreich, Vereinigtes Königreich, Vereinigte Staaten und Italien, „geblieben fest, wenn total die Katastrophe“ ignoriert wird, wie sie ihre Mission des Evakuierens ihre expatriieren erfüllten, „zurück, obwohl sie auf Leichen stolperten“. Am 22. April als über 100.000 Leuten war getötet worden, wurde der Hauptteil der Kraft bestellt, um zurückzutreten, aber 450 afrikanische und 13 kanadische Truppen wurden erklärt, um aus den Grund zu bleiben und zu beobachten. Da Millionen innerlich verlegt, getötet und verletzt wurden, war die Mission in der Lage, ca. 30.000 zu speichern, und auf den, war er bestellt worden, sie zu verlassen. Der Auftrag war vom Sicherheit Rat gekommen, und niemand wendete ein.
„Nie wieder: In Richtung zu einer wirkungsvolleren internationalen Antwort des Genozids " war der Titel der zweiten Verkleidung, die Kanadas vom Außenminister vorgesessen wurde. Seine wesentlichen Lautsprecher schlossen Ibrahim Gambari, Nationen spezieller Berater für Afrika, Ramesh Thakur, Vize-Rektor der Nationen Universität und Danilo Türken, behilflicher Generalsekretär für politische Angelegenheiten mit ein. . . .
Herr. Gambari sagte, daß der reale Schlüssel zum Verhindern des Konflikts und des Genozids politischer Wille war, sofort und entscheidend zu fungieren. Zweifellos war es der Rat, besonders seine leistungsfähigsten Mitglieder, die die Leute von Ruanda in ihrer ernstesten Stunde der Notwendigkeit verlassen hatten.
Die Kontroverse über der internationale Strafbarkeit der Gemeinschaft, damit seine Störung den Genozid in Ruanda würde nicht leicht weggehen verhindert.

Conferência Memorial sobre Genocide em Rwanda 2004.
Automatically translated into Portuguese thanks to WorldLingo
O silêncio que tinha cumprimentado genocides no passado deve ser substituído por um clamor global, e por um voluntariedade chamar-se o que esteja acontecendo por seu nome verdadeiro, secretário geral Kofi Annan dito esta manhã na abertura de uma conferência one-day na memória do genocide em Rwanda 10 anos há.
A conferência Memorial sobre o Rwanda Genocide, que tinha começado com um minuto do silêncio para as vítimas, co-chaired pelos ministros extrangeiros de Rwanda e de Canadá e foi moderada por Ruth Iyob, diretor do programa de África, Academy internacional da paz, e David M. Malone, presidente do Academy internacional da paz.
Durante dois painéis que seguiram a abertura da conferência, os participants no evento recordaram a tragédia 1994 e consideraram meios assegurar no futuro uma resposta internacional mais eficaz ao genocide. A conferência atraiu representantes dos governos, de organizações internacionais, de organizações non-governmental, de academics e de membros do Diaspora Rwandan.
A comunidade internacional tinha falhado Rwanda, secretário geral indicado. Se agisse prontamente, poderia ter parado a maioria da matança. Mas nem a vontade política nem as tropas tinham estado lá. Se as nações unidas, os oficiais de governo e os meios internacionais pagassem mais atenção aos sinais de recolhimento do disastre, pôde averted.
O genocide Rwandan levantou as perguntas que afetaram todo o humankind, including perguntas fundamentais sobre a autoridade do conselho de segurança e a eficácia de nações unidas peacekeeping, Sr. Annan continuado. Se confrontado por um Rwanda novo hoje, a comunidade internacional responderia eficazmente? Tinha sugerido que um número de medidas que melhorariam equipe as nações unidas e seus estados de membro ao genocide da reunião com o resolve, including um rapporteur especial no assunto. Mais deve ser feito, e analisava atualmente o que pisa mais mais poderia ser feito exame.
O ministro extrangeiro de Rwanda, Charles Murigande, forçou a necessidade aprender das falhas trágicas em Rwanda, dig que nenhum outro nação ou pessoa não devem ser permitidos sofrer o que os povos de Rwanda tinham sofrido. . . .
A comunidade internacional, quando tinha aprendido que needed a ser feito, acordo político ainda faltado impedir que um Rwanda aconteça outra vez, disse o ministro extrangeiro de Canadá, conta Graham. . . .
As palavras ásperas foram ditas sobre o papel da comunidade internacional em Rwanda durante o primeiro painel - intitulado “em Memoriam: Testemunha do rolamento ", que chaired pelo ministro extrangeiro de Rwanda.
Quando a cabeça da associação das viúvas do Genocide, do Speciose Kanyabogoyi, e do sobrevivente do genocide, Eric Nzabihimana, recounted os eventos de Abril-Agosto 1994, quando uns 800.000 povos foram assassinados, comandante anterior da missão unida do auxílio das nações para Rwanda (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire, dito que a missão tinha sido “uma última prioridade” para a comunidade internacional. Não teve nenhum orçamento e nenhuma estrutura então a matança começou. O conselho de segurança tinha-lhe feito um ponto para não considerar as ameaças e os avisos sobre Rwanda, e enquanto os meses foi perto e o acordo da paz “estava caindo às partes”, havia um stagnation político e nenhum desejo real pôr todos os recursos na missão.
Recordou também que um 2.000 pessoais de diversos países, including France, Reino Unido, Estados Unidos e Italy, “empresa remanescida totalmente em ignorar o catastrophe” enquanto cumpriram sua missão de evacuar sua expatriates, “embora estava tropeçando em corpses”. Em 22 abril, quando sobre 100.000 povos tinha sido matado, o volume da força foi requisitado para retirar-se, mas 450 tropas africanas e 13 canadenses foram ditas para permanecer na terra e para observar. Porque os milhões internamente foram deslocados, matados e feridos, a missão podia conservar alguns 30.000, e no alto disso, tinha sido requisitado abandoná-los. A ordem tinha vindo do conselho de segurança, e ninguém objetou.
“Nunca outra vez: Para uma resposta internacional mais eficaz de Genocide " estava o título do segundo painel, que chaired pelo ministro extrangeiro de Canadá. Seus altofalantes principais incluíram Ibrahim Gambari, conselheiro especial unido das nações para África, Ramesh Thakur, Vice-Rector da universidade unida das nações e Turk de Danilo, secretário geral assistente para casos políticos. . . .
Sr. Gambari disse que a chave real a impedir o conflito e o genocide era vontade política a agir prontamente e decisively. Sem uma dúvida, era o conselho, especialmente seus membros mais poderosos que tinham falhado os povos de Rwanda em sua hora mais grave da necessidade.
A controvérsia sobre o culpability da comunidade internacional para que sua falha impeça o genocide em Rwanda não partiria fàcilmente.

Minnes- konferens på folkmord i Rwanda 2004.
Automatically translated into Swedish thanks to WorldLingo
Tystnaden, som hade greeted folkmord i förflutnan, måste bytas ut av ett globalt larmar, och en villighet till appellen vad händde vid dess riktigt namnger, Secretary-General Kofi Annan som i morse sägs på öppningen av en one-day konferens i minnet av folkmordet i Rwanda 10 år sedan.
Den minnes- konferensen på det Rwanda folkmordet, som hade startat med ett minimalt av tystnad för offren, co-varades ordförande vid av utrikesministerarna av Rwanda och Kanada och dämpades av Ruth Iyob, direktören av Afrika programmerar, landskampfredakademin och David M. Malone president av landskampfredakademin.
Under två paneler, som följde öppningen av konferensen, mindes deltagare i händelsen tragedin 1994 och det ansedda hjälpmedlet för att se till ett effektivare landskampsvar till folkmordet i framtiden. Konferensen tilldrog tekniker av regeringar, landskamporganisationar, non-governmental organisationar, akademiker och medlemmar av den rwandiska diasporaen.
Internationellt samfund hade missat Rwanda, den påstod secretaryen-General. Om det hade agerat prompt, kunde det ha stoppat mest av dödandet. Men neither politiskt ska nor soldaterna hade varit där. Om Förenta nationen, regeringstjänstemän och landskampmassmedia hade betalat mer uppmärksamhet till det annalkande teckenet av katastrofen, har den styrkan avstyrts.
Det lyftta rwandiska folkmordet ifrågasätter, att påverkat all humankind, den inklusive grunden ifrågasätter om myndigheten av säkerhetsrådet och effektiviteten av Förenta nationpeacekeeping, Herr Fortsatte Annan. Om konfronterat av en nya Rwanda i dag, skulle internationellt samfund, reagera effektivt? Han hade föreslågit att ett nummer av mäter, att skulle bättre utrustar Förenta nationen och dess medlem påstår för att möta folkmord med beslut, däribland en special rapporteur på betvinga. Mer måste göras, och han analyserade för närvarande vad kliver vidare kunde tas.
Utrikesministern av Rwanda, Charles Murigande som är stressad behovet att lära från de tragiska felen i Rwanda, ordstäv som inget annat nation eller folk bör vara tillåtna att lida vad folket av Rwanda hade lidit. . . .
Internationellt samfund, stund hade det lärt vilket nödvändigt som ska göras, fortfarande saknad politisk överenskommelse att förhindra en Rwanda från att hända igen, sade utrikesministern av Kanada, räkningen Graham. . . .
Hårt uttrycker sades om rollen av internationellt samfund i Rwanda under den första panelen - berättigad ”i Memoriam: Uthärda vittne ", som varades ordförande vid av utrikesministern av Rwanda.
Fördriva huvudet av anslutningen av änkorna av folkmordet, Speciose Kanyabogoyi, och folkmordöverlevanden, Eric Nzabihimana, räknade om händelserna av April-Augusti 1994, då något 800.000 folk mördades, den tidigare kommendörkaptenen av Förenta nationhjälpbeskickningen för Rwanda (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire som sades att beskickningen hade varit ”en sist prioritet” för internationellt samfund. Det hade ingen budget, och inget att strukturera på tiden som dödandet började. Säkerhetsrådet hade gjort det en peka för att inte betrakta hoten och varningarna om Rwanda, och, som månaderna gick by, och fredöverenskommelsen ”föll till lappar”, fanns det politisk stagnation och någon verklig lust för att sätta några resurser in i beskickningen.
Han återkallade också, att någon 2.000 personal från flera länder, inklusive Frankrike, det eniga kungariket som förenas påstår och Italien, ”återstod fast i totalt att ignorera katastrofen”, som de fullgj橬一j deras deras beskickning av att evakuera landsförvisar, ”, fast de snubblade på lik”. På 22 April då över 100.000 folk hade dödats, beställdes ien stora partier av styrkan för att återta, men 450 afrikanska och 13 kanadensiska soldater berättades till staget på det slipat och observerar. Som miljoner internt förflyttades, dödades och sårades, var beskickningen kompetent till räddningen några 30.000, och överst av det, hade han beställts för att överge dem. Beställa hade kommit från säkerhetsrådet, och ingen anmärkte.
”Aldrig igen: In mot ett effektivare landskampsvar av folkmordet " var titeln av understödjapanelen, som varades ordförande vid av Kanada utrikesminister. Dess grundtankehögtalare inklusive Ibrahim Gambari, Förenta nation som är sakkunnig för Afrika, Ramesh Thakur, Last-Rector av Förenta nationuniversitetar och den Danilo turken, Assistant Secretary-General för politiska angelägenheter. . . .
Herr Gambari sade att det verkliga nyckel- till att förhindra konflikt och folkmord var politiskt som ska till agerar prompt och decisively. Utan ett tvivel var det rådet, speciellt dess kraftigaste medlemmar som hade missat folket av Rwanda i deras mest gravest timme av behov.
Tvisten över internationellt samfund culpability för att dess fel ska förhindra folkmordet i Rwanda som inte lätt skulle för att gå bort.

Мемориальное конференция на Genocide в Руанде 2004.
Automatically translated into Russian thanks to WorldLingo
Безмолвие приветствовало genocides в прошлом должно быть заменено глобальный clamour, и готовностью вызвать случалось своим поистине именем, Secretary-General Кофи Аннан сказанное это утро на отверстии односуточного конференции в памяти genocide в Руанде 10 лет тому назад.
Мемориальное конференция на Руанде Genocide, которая начала с минутой безмолвия для жертв, co-предводительствовалось министра иностранных дел Руанды и Канады и умерялось Ruth Iyob, директором программы Африки, академией мир во всем мире, и Дэвид M. Malone, президент академии мир во всем мире.
Во время 2 панелей последовали за отверстием конференции, участники в случае вспомнили трагизм 1994 и рассмотрели середины обеспечить более эффективную международную реакцию к genocide in the future. Конференция привлекло представителей правительств, международных организаций, неправительственных организации, academics и членов Rwandan Diaspora.
Сообществ потерпело неудачу Руанда, заявленный Secretary-General. Если оно подействовало проворно, то оно смогло остановить большое часть из умерщвления. Но ни political will ни войска были там. Если Организация Объединенных Наций, государственные чиновники и международные средства обратили больше внимания собирая знаки бедствия, то оно могло быть отвращено.
Rwandan genocide подняло вопросы повлияли на все humankind, включая основные вопросы о авторитете Совета безопасности и эффективности peacekeeping Организации Объединенных Наций, га-н. Продолжаемое Аннан. Если confronted новой Руандой сегодня, сообществ ответило бы эффективно? Он предложил несколько измерения улучшали бы оборудуйте Организацию Объединенных Наций и свои статусы члена для того чтобы встретить genocide с решением, включая специальный rapporteur на вопросе. Больше быть сделано, и он в настоящее время анализировал более добавочно шагает смогло быть принято.
Министра иностранных дел Руанды, Charles Murigande, усилил потребность выучить от трагичных отказов в Руанде, говорить что никакие другие нация или люди не должны быть позволены вытерпеть люди Руанды вытерпели. . . .
Сообществ, пока оно выучило что необходимое, котор нужно сделать, все еще нуждаемое соглашение по политическим вопросам предотвратить Руанду от случаться снова, сказало министра иностранных дел Канады, Билл Graham. . . .
Жестковатые слова были сказаны о роли сообществ в Руанде во время первой панели - озаглавленной «в Memoriam: Заверитель подшипника ", который предводительствовался министра иностранных дел Руанды.
Пока головка ассоциации Widows Genocide, Speciose Kanyabogoyi, и survivor genocide, Эрик Nzabihimana, переучла случаи апреля августа 1994, когда некоторые 800.000 людей были убиты, бывший командир полета помощи Организации Объединенных Наций для Руанды (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire, сказанного что полетом был «последний приоритет» для сообществ. Оно не имело никакой бюджетю и никакую структуру at the time умерщвление начало. Совет безопасности сделал им пункт для рассмотрения угроз и предупреждений о Руанде, и по мере того как месяцы пошл мимо и мирное соглашение «понижалось к частям», не было политического торможения и реального желания положить VSе ресурсы в полет.
Он также вспомнил что некоторый 2.000 персоналов от нескольких стран, включая Францию, Королевство, Соединенные Штаты и Италию, «остали твердо в полно игнорировать катастрофу» по мере того как они выполнили их полет эвакуировать их экспатриируют, «хотя они спотыкались на трупах». 22-ого апреля, когда над 100.000 людьми убил, было приказаны, что разделило большое часть усилия, но 450 африканских и 13 канадских войск были сказаны для того чтобы остаться на земле и наблюдаться. По мере того как миллионы внутренне были смещены, убиты и повреждены, полет мог сохранить некоторые 30.000, и on top of то, он был приказаны, что покинул их. Заказ пришел от Совета безопасности, и никто возразило.
«Отсутствие снова: К более эффективной международной реакции Genocide " направило к название второй панели, которая предводительствовалась министра иностранных дел Канады. Свои keynote дикторы включили Ibrahim Gambari, советника Организации Объединенных Наций специальный для Африки, Ramesh Thakur, Вице-Rector университета Организации Объединенных Наций и турка Danilo, ассистентского Secretary-General для политических дел. . . .
Г-н. Gambari сказало что реальным ключом к предотвращая конфликту и genocide было political will подействовать проворно и решительно. Несомненно, это было советом, специально своими самыми мощными членами которые потерпели неудачу люди Руанды в их самом тягчайшем часе потребности.
Полемика над culpability международного сообщества для своего отказа предотвратить genocide в Руанде легко не пошла бы прочь.

Herdenkings Conferentie over Volkerenmoord in Rwanda 2004.
Automatically translated into Dutch thanks to WorldLingo
De stilte die volkerenmoorden in het verleden had begroet moet door globaal worden vervangen aandringt, en een bereidheid om te roepen wat door zijn ware naam gebeurde, Secretaris-generaal Kofi Annan zei vanochtend bij het openen van een eendaagse conferentie in geheugen van de volkerenmoord in Rwanda 10 jaar geleden.
De herdenkingsConferentie over de Volkerenmoord van Rwanda, die met een minuut stilte voor de slachtoffers was begonnen, werd mede voorgezeten door de Ministers van Buitenlandse Zaken van Rwanda en Canada en werd gematigd door Ruth Iyob, Directeur van het Programma van Afrika, de Internationale Academie van de Vrede, en David M. Malone, Voorzitter van de Internationale Academie van de Vrede.
Tijdens twee panelen die het openen van de Conferentie volgden, deelnemers in de gebeurtenis herinnerd de tragedie van 1994 en middelen overwogen om een efficiëntere internationale reactie op volkerenmoord in de toekomst te verzekeren. De conferentie trok vertegenwoordigers van overheden, internationale organisaties, niet-gouvernementele organisaties, academics en leden van Rwandese Diaspora aan.
De internationale gemeenschap had Rwanda ontbroken, verklaarde de Secretaris-generaal. Als het onmiddellijk had gehandeld, kon het het grootste deel van de moord tegengehouden hebben. Maar noch waren de politieke wil noch de troepen daar geweest. Als de Verenigde Naties, de overheidsambtenaren en de internationale media meer aandacht aan de het verzamelen zich tekens van ramp hadden besteed, zou het kunnen voorkomen te zijn.
De Rwandese volkerenmoord stelde vragen die alle mensdom, met inbegrip van fundamentele vragen over het gezag van de Veiligheidsraad en de doeltreffendheid van het behoud van de vrede van de Verenigde Naties, M. beïnvloedden. Voortdurende Annan. Indien vandaag geconfronteerd door nieuw Rwanda, zou de internationale gemeenschap effectief antwoorden? Hij had een aantal maatregelen voorgesteld die beter de Verenigde Naties en zijn Lidstaten zouden uitrusten om volkerenmoord met besluit, met inbegrip van een speciale rapporteur te ontmoeten over het onderwerp. Meer moeten worden gedaan, en hij analyseerde momenteel welke verdere maatregelen zouden kunnen worden getroffen.
De Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken van Rwanda, Charles Murigande, beklemtoonde de behoefte om van de tragische mislukkingen in Rwanda te leren zegt, dat dat geen andere natie of mensen zouden moeten mogen lijden aan aan wat de inwoners van Rwanda hadden geleden. . . .
De internationale gemeenschap, terwijl het had geleerd wat moest worden gedaan, had politieke overeenkomst nog niet om Rwanda te verhinderen opnieuw te gebeuren, zei de Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken van Canada, Rekening Graham. . . .
De ruwe woorden werden gezegd over de rol van de internationale gemeenschap in Rwanda tijdens het eerste paneel - getiteld „in Memoriam: Bewijzend ", wat door de Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken van Rwanda werd voorgezeten.
Terwijl het hoofd van de Vereniging van de Weduwen van de Volkerenmoord, Speciose Kanyabogoyi, en volkerenmoordoverlevende, Eric Nzabihimana, de gebeurtenissen van april-Augustus 1994 verhaalde, toen zowat 800.000 mensen moord, zei de vroegere Bevelhebber van de Opdracht van de Hulp van de Verenigde Naties voor Rwanda (UNAMIR), Romeo Dallaire, dat de Opdracht een „laatste prioriteit“ voor de internationale gemeenschap was geweest. Het had geen begroting en geen structuur tegelijkertijd met de moord begon. De Veiligheidsraad had tot het een punt gemaakt om de bedreigingen en de waarschuwingen over Rwanda niet te overwegen, en aangezien de maanden voorbijgingen en de vredesovereenkomst „aan stukken“ viel, waren er politieke stagnatie en geen echte wens om om het even welke middelen in de Opdracht te zetten.
Hij herinnerde ook eraan dat zowat 2.000 personeel van verscheidene landen, met inbegrip van Frankrijk, het Verenigd Koninkrijk, Verenigde Staten en Italië, „in totaal het negeren van de catastrofe“ aangezien zij hun opdracht van het evacueren van hun emigranten vervulden, „vast bleven hoewel zij op corpses“ struikelden. Voor 22 April, toen meer dan 100.000 mensen waren gedood, werd het grootste deel van de Kracht bevolen om zich terug te trekken, maar 450 Afrikaanse en 13 Canadese troepen werden verteld om ter plaatse te blijven en waar te nemen. Aangezien miljoenen intern werden verplaatst, werden gedood en werden verwond, kon de Opdracht zowat 30.000 besparen, en bovenop dat, was hij bevolen om hen te verlaten. De orde was gekomen uit de Veiligheidsraad, en niemand had bezwaar.
„Nooit opnieuw: Naar een Efficiëntere Internationale Reactie van Volkerenmoord " was de titel van het tweede paneel, dat door de Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken van Canada werd voorgezeten. Zijn essentiële sprekers omvatten Ibrahim Gambari, de Speciale Adviseur van de Verenigde Naties voor Afrika, Ramesh Thakur, Vice-rector van de Universiteit van de Verenigde Naties en Danilo Turk, HulpSecretaris-generaal voor Politieke Zaken. . . .
M. Gambari zei dat de echte sleutel tot het verhinderen van conflict en volkerenmoord politieke wil onmiddellijk en ontegenzeglijk was te handelen. Zonder enige twijfel, was het de Raad, vooral zijn krachtigste leden die de inwoners van Rwanda in hun ernstigste uur van behoefte hadden ontbroken.
De controverse over de aansprakelijkheid van de internationale gemeenschap voor het zijn nalaten zou om de volkerenmoord in Rwanda te verhinderen niet gemakkelijk weggaan.

مؤتمر تذكاريّة على [جنوسد] في روندا 2004.
Automatically translated into Arabic thanks to WorldLingo
الحالة سكون أنّ كان قد [غريتد] إبادة جماعيّة في الماض ينبغي كنت استبدلت ب [كلموور] شاملة, واستعداد أن يدعو ماذا كان حدث ب ه يصحّ اسم, [سكرتر-جنرل] [كوفي] [أنّن] يقول هذا صباح في الفتحة من مؤتمر في اليوم الواحد في ذاكرة من الإبادة جماعيّة في روندا 10 سنون [أغو].
[ك-شيرد] المؤتمر تذكاريّة على روندا [جنوسد], أيّ كان قد بدأ مع دقيقة الحالة سكون للضحايا, كان بالوزير الخارجيّة من روندا وكندا وليّنت ب [روث] [إيوب], مديرة من إفريقيا برنامج, دوليّة سلام أكاديميّة, ودايفيد [م.]. [ملون], رئيس من الدوليّة سلام أكاديميّة.
أثناء اثنان ألوان أنّ تبع الفتحة من المؤتمر, تذكّر مشتركات في الحادث ال 1994 مأساة واعتبر [منس] أن يضمن أكثر إستجابة فعّالة دوليّة إلى إبادة جماعيّة [إين ث فوتثر]. جذب المؤتمر ممثلات من حكومات, تنظيمات دوليّة, [نون-غفرنمنتل ورغنيزأيشن], [أكدميكس] وأعضاء من الشتات روانديّ.
كان الالمجتمع الدولي قد [فيلد] روندا, ال [سكرتر-جنرل] يفاد. إن هو كان قد تصرّف حالا, هو استطاع يتلقّى توقّفت أكثر من القتل. غير أنّ لا كان ال [بوليتيكل ويلّ] ولا القوات قد كان هناك. إن الالأمم المتّحدة, مسؤول حكوميّ والأوساط دوليّة كانوا قد دفعوا كثير إنتباه إلى ال يجمع إشارات الكارثة, هو أمكن يتلقّى يكون تفاديت.
رفع الإبادة جماعيّة روانديّ أسئلة أنّ أثر كلّ جنس بشريّ, بما في ذلك أسئلة أساسيّة حول السلطة من الأمن مجلس والفعالية من الأمم المتّحدة حفظ السلام, [مر.]. [أنّن] يستمرّ. إن يجابه بروندا جديدة اليوم, الالمجتمع الدولي استجاب بشكل فعّال? هو كان قد اقترح [ا نومبر وف] إجراءات أنّ حسن جهّزت الالأمم المتّحدة و [ممبر ستتس] ه أن يلتقي إبادة جماعيّة مع قرار, بما في ذلك مقررة خاصّة على الموضوع. أكثر ينبغي كنت أتمّت, وحلّل هو كان حاليّا ماذا أبعد يخطو استطاع كنت أخذت.
ضغط الوزير الخارجيّة روندا, شارلز [موريغند], الحاجة أن يعلم من الإخفاقات مأساويّة في روندا, [سينغ] أنّ ما من أخرى أمة أو الناس سوفت كنت سمحت أن يعاني ماذا الالناس روندا كانوا قد عانوا. . . .
قال الالمجتمع الدولي, بينما هو كان قد علم ما لازمة أن يكون أتمّت, بعد يفتقر إتفاق سياسيّة أن يمنع روندا من يحدث ثانية, الوزير الخارجيّة كندا, فاتورة غراهام. . . .
قلت كلمات قاسية كان حول الدور من الالمجتمع الدولي في روندا أثناء اللون أولى - يخوّل "في [مموريم]: اتّجاه شاهدة ", أيّ كان ترأّست بالوزير الخارجيّة روندا.
بينما الرأس من الجمعية من الأرملة من [جنوسد], [سبسوس] [كنبوغي], وإبادة جماعيّة باقية, [إريك] [نزبيهيمنا], حكى الحادثات [أبريل-وغست] 1994, عندما بعض 800,000 قتلت الناس كان, قائدة سابقة من الالأمم المتّحدة مساندة مهمة لروندا ([أونمير]), [روميو] [دلّير], يقال أنّ المهمة كان قد كان "أولوية متأخّرة" للالمجتمع الدولي. هو تلقّى ما من ميزانية وما من بنية [أت ث تيم] بدأ القتل. الأمن كان مجلس قد جعل هو نقطة لا أن يعتبر التهديدات وإنذارات حول روندا, وبما أنّ الشهور ذهب جانبا والسلام إتفاق كان "سقط إلى قطعات", هناك كان ركود سياسيّة وما من رغبة حقيقيّة أن يضع أيّ موردات داخل المهمة.
هو أيضا تذكّر أنّ بعض 2,000 مستخدمة من عدّة بلاد, بما في ذلك فرنسا, المملكة المتّحدة, الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة وإيطاليا, "يبقى متينة في تماما يتجاهل الكارثة" بما أنّ هم أنجزوا مهمتهم من يخلي هم يغرّب, "رغم أنّ هم كان تعثّروا على أجثاث". قتلت في 22 أبريل - نيسان, عندما على 100,000 الناس تلقّى يكون, الشحن من القوة كان أمرت أن ينسحب, غير أنّ 450 [أفريكن] و13 قوات كنديّة كان قلت أن يبقى على الأرض ولاحظت. بما أنّ ملايين كان داخليّا أزحت, قتلت وجرحت, كان المهمة يمكن أن ينقذ بعض 30,000, و [أن توب وف] أنّ, هو تلقّى يكون أمرت أن عن تخلّىهم. كان الأمر قد أتى من الأمن مجلس, ولا أحد اعترض.
"أبدا ثانية: نحو أكثر إستجابة فعّالة دوليّة [جنوسد] " كان العنوان من الثاني لوح, أيّ كان ترأّست بكندا وزير الخارجيّة. تضمّن المتحدثه متعلّق بالفكرة الرئيسيّة إبراهيم [غمبري], الأمم المتّحدة مستشارة خاصّة لإفريقيا, [رمش] [ثكور], [فيس-ركتور] من الأمم المتّحدة جامعة و [دنيلو] تركية, [سكرتر-جنرل] مساعدة ل [بوليتيكل فّير]. . . .
[مر.]. [غمبري] قال أنّ كان المفتاح حقيقيّة إلى يمنع نزاع وإبادة جماعيّة [بوليتيكل ويلّ] أن يتصرّف حالا وفصلا. دون شك, كان هو المجلس, خصوصا أعضاءه قوّيّة أكثر أنّ كان قد [فيلد] الالناس روندا في ساعتهم [غرفست] حاجة.
ذهب الجدال على الالمجتمع الدولي ملامة لإخفاقه أن يمنع الإبادة جماعيّة في روندا لم بسهولة بعيدا.

Youth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind; it is not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips, and supple knees; it is a matter of the will, a quality of the imagination, a vigor of the emotions; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life.
Youth means the predominance of courage over timidity, of adventure over the love of ease. This often exists in a man of sixty more than in a boy of twenty. Nobody grows old merely by a number of years. We grow old by deserting our ideals.
Years may wrinkle the skin, but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. Worry, doubt, self-distrust, fear and despair - these bow the heart and turns the spirit back to dust.
Whether sixty or sixteen, there is in every human being’s heart the love of wonder, the sweet amazement at the stars and the star like things, the undaunted challenge of events, the unfailing child-like appetite for what-next, and the joy of the game of living.
You are as young as your faith, as old as your doubt;
as young as your self-confidence, as old as your fear;
as young as your hope, as old as your despair.

It is said that: What goes around comes around. May
this short story open your eyes to one of the deep
reasons we are here on earth!!!

He almost didn’t see the old lady, stranded on the
side of the road. But even in the dim light of day,
he could see she needed help. So he pulled up in
front of her Mercedes and got out. His Pontiac was
still sputtering when he approached her.

Even with the smile on his face, she was worried. No
one had stopped to help for the last hour or so …
was he going to hurt her? He didn’t look safe; he
looked poor and hungry. He could see that she was
frightened, standing out there in the cold.

He knew how she felt. It was that chill which only
fear can put in you. He said, “I’m here to help you,
ma’am. Why don’t you wait in the car where ! it’s
warm? By the way, my name is Bryan.” Well, all she
had was a flat tire, but for an old lady, that was
bad enough.

Bryan crawled under the car looking for a place to
put the jack, skinning his knuckles a time or two.
Soon he was able to change the tire. But he had to
get dirty and his hands hurt. As he was tightening
up the lug nuts, she rolled down the window and
began to talk to him. She told him that she was from
St. Louis and was only just passing through. She
couldn’t thank him enough for coming to her aid.

Bryan just smiled as he closed her trunk. She asked
him how much she owed him. Any amount would have
been all right with her. She already imagined all
the awful things that could have happened had he not
stopped.

Bryan never thought twice about being paid. This
was! not a job to him. This was helping someone in
need, and God knows there were plenty who had given
him a hand in the past. He had lived his whole life
that way, and it never occurred to him to act any
other way.

He told her that if she really wanted to pay him
back, ! the next time she saw someone who needed
help, she could give that person the assistance they
needed, and Bryan added, “And think of me.”

He waited until she started her car and drove off.
It had been a cold and depressing day, but he felt
good as he headed for home, disappearing into the
twilight.

A few miles down the road the lady saw a small cafe.
She went in to grab a bite to eat, and take the
chill off before she made the last leg of her trip
home. It was a dingy looking restaurant. Outside
were two old gas pumps. The whole scene was
unfamiliar to her. The cash register was like the
telephone of an out-of-work actor — it didn’t ring
much.

The waitress came over and brought a clean towel to
wipe her wet hair. She had a sweet smile, one that
even being on her feet for the whole day couldn’t
erase. The lady noticed the waitress was nearly
eight months pregnant, but she never let the strain
and aches change her attitude.

The old lady wondered how someone who had so little
could be so giving to a stranger. Then she
remembered Bryan.

After the lady finished her meal and the waitress
went to get change for her hundred dollar bill, the
lady slipped right out the door. She was gone by the
time the waitress came back.

The waitress wondered where the lady could be.

Then she noticed something written on the napkin
under which were four $100 bills.

There were tears in her eyes when she read what the
lady wrote: “You don’t owe me anything. I have been
there too. Somebody once helped me out, the way I’m
helping you. If you really want to pay me back, here
is what you do: Do not let this chain of love end
with you.”

Well, there were tables to clear, sugar bowls to
fill, and people to serve, but the waitress made it
through another day. That night when she got home
from work! and climbed into bed, she was thinking
about the money and what the lady had written. How
could the lady have known how much she and her
husband needed it? With the baby due next month, it
was going to be hard.

She knew how worried her husband about was, and as
he lay sleeping next to her, she gave him a soft
kiss and whispered soft and low, “Everything’s going to
be all right. I love you, Bryan.”
There is an old saying “What goes around comes
around.”

“Throw your dreams into space like a kite, and you
do not know what it will bring back: a new life, a
new friend, a new love, a new country.”

A look at the implications of adopting virginity testing as a tool in preventing HIV transmission
Placing a Premium on Virginity

Many cultures in the past placed a premium on the virginity of girls and young women before marriage. Several still do, and in some places where the practice had declined there has been a return to so-called virginity testing to determine whether a girl has ever had sexual intercourse. In South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal Province, and in the neighbouring kingdom of Swaziland, girls are routinely inspected to check if they are virgins. The reason for the practice, it is said, is to 'preserve beauty, pride and a valuable asset of the nation. Women are regarded as flowers of any nation and each nation has its specific features and perceptions of what value is.'[1]

Linking Virginity to HIV/AIDS Prevention

Virginity testing is now being touted as one method to check the onslaught of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, presumably to encourage abstinence, which is one of the ABCs of preventing the spread of the virus. One of the advocates of virginity tests is South Africa's immediate former Deputy President Jacob Zuma who, while still in office, was reported as having encouraged girls to take the tests as a way of curbing the spread of HIV/AIDS and reducing the prevalence of early pregnancies. Mr Zuma referred to virginity as a girl's 'family's treasure,' saying that traditionally girls 'would only have sex when permitted to do so by their families after marriage.'[2] In Uganda, one Member of Parliament organizes bursaries to enable needy girls to university, provided that they pass a virginity test. He links virginity tests to the prevention of exposure to AIDS. [3]

The South African Parliament in June 2005 passed a Bill to prohibit virginity testing. This drew fierce opposition from proponents of the custom. Zulu king Goodwill Zwelithini protested that he was not consulted by the government before the law was enacted, and his supporters are reported to have vowed to defy the ban on this age-old tradition. [4] Many of the girls who undergo the inspection say that they are doing so of their own volition and in exercise of their right to practise their culture and traditions. On the other hand, human rights advocates say the tests are ''discriminatory, invasive of privacy, unfair, impinging on the dignity of young girls and unconstitutional.''[5] The debate brings into focus the sharp clash between the right to practise culture and other human rights of bodily integrity and equality as well as sexuality rights.


Are Virginity Tests an effective Weapon in the War against AIDS?

Virginity tests are unlikely to prove a realistic or useful HIV/AIDS prevention method, and may even be an obstacle for several reasons:



Linking virginity and by extension 'purity' moralizes the HIV/AIDS status of people and this is not effective in tackling the disease. It merely leads to discrimination against people living with HIV and AIDS. Virginity tests rely on shame and the fear of stigmatization, rather than free choice, to encourage girls to abstain from sex before marriage. In some communities, girls who pass the test wear a colourful dot on their foreheads to show that they are 'pure'. [6] Those who fail the test are shunned, and this is likely to cause immense psychological and emotional trauma to them and stunt their social development. Further, it is likely to lead to people failing to disclose that they are HIV positive and consequently missing out on the benefits of living positively with the virus and drawing on a support system, which has been shown to delay the onset of full blown AIDS and to improve the quality of life of those with AIDS. Countries such as Uganda have been successful in bringing down infection rates largely due to their policy of removing the stigma surrounding the disease.

Moreover, virginity testing fails to take into account involuntary sexual encounters such as rape. Many girls and women, out of shame, do not report that they have been raped. In a country like South Africa which has a notoriously high incidence of rape, a girl who has been raped would undergo trauma on several levels if she had to undergo a virginity test.


In some parts of Southern and Eastern Africa a myth has arisen that an HIV positive man can be cured by having sex with a virgin. This has seen the rape of many girls, from infants to young women, leading to their infection with the virus. Virginity testing would be a dangerous companion to the myth, serving to confirm which girls are virgins and exposing them to the great risk of being raped and contracting HIV.

Virginity testing places the responsibility of preventing HIV/AIDS on girls and women and this is not an effective way to combat the scourge as global statistics indicate that HIV/AIDS is mainly spread through heterosexual sex. Both men and women have the responsibility to prevent HIV transmission. Although there have been calls for boys to undergo virginity testing as well, these have been few and far between. It is mostly girls who are tested as they are the ones who are expected to remain 'pure' before marriage. Most cultures that venerate the girls' virginity do not similarly venerate boys' virginity.


HIV/AIDS is also spread within marriage and a girl or young woman who has avoided contracting the virus before marriage may contract it afterwards from her husband. She may even contract it from another partner if the main driving force for her abstention from sex prior to marriage was to avoid the shame and stigma of failing a virginity test. The tests may therefore just temporarily suspend the risk of getting the disease.


Virginity testing may merely result in young people avoiding vaginal intercourse and having other forms of sexual intercourse such as anal or oral intercourse, through which HIV can still be spread.


In any case virginity tests are often inaccurate. The most common test is checking whether a girl's hymen is intact, but many girls are born without the membrane, or it is ruptured in other ways such as during sport. Around the world, there are numerous other traditional ways to test whether a girl is a virgin, and these are based on myth, such as the test to determine whether a girl's urine is 'clear and sparkling' as a virgin's should be. [7] Moreover, the presence of a hymen is not necessarily an indication that a girl or woman has never had sexual intercourse. In Egypt, China, amongst some ethnic groups in the United States, and in many other countries it is becoming increasingly common for women to have surgery to restore their hymens. The presence of a hymen is not therefore any indication of a woman's HIV status.


South Africa has one of the highest HIV infection rates in the world, and its leaders have been criticised for burying their heads in the sand about the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and for suggesting doubtful ways of tackling the virus, instead of tried and proven methods of preventing transmission. The South African government's official stance is against virginity testing, but it remains to be seen whether the ban will really be effective in preventing the practice given that the tests have received strong support from some of the country's leaders and are gaining in popularity.

Notes
1. Report on Consultative Conference on Virginity Testing held in South Africa on June 12, 2000 by South Africa Commission for Gender Equality and the South Africa Human Rights Commission. 2. See http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/3683210.stm 3. See http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4700171.stm. 4. See http://www.plusnews.org/AIDSreport.asp?ReportID=5052 5. Teboho Maitse, a member of the South African Commission on Gender Equality quoted in 'Ban on virginity testing raises ire of Zulus.' Ibid. 6. See http://www.aegis.com/news/lt/1999/LT990702.html 7. See http://lynx.dac.neu.edu/k/kakelly/virgins/virgins.html